Change You Can Count On
Wednesday, November 18th, 2009Susan Allen for Congress in the Fourth District, MA in 2010
PDF File, Click here: Form Letter to Employers
Dear Employer:
Under Title 26, Section 7701, Federal Withholding Income Taxes are for Foreign Earnings only.
Title 26, Section 7701 (a) (16)
The term ”withholding agent” means any person required to deduct and withhold any tax under the provisions of sections (1):
§ 1441 Withholding of tax on nonresident aliens U.S. Tax Code Foreign Tax only
§ 1442 Withholding of tax on foreign corporations
§ 1443 Foreign tax-exempt organizations (1)
Under this section federal withholding taxes would apply to outsourced foreign employees.
This means:
Senator Harry Reid: Our system of government is a voluntary tax system. (2)
Former IRS Criminal Investigations Special Agent, Joseph R. Banister there is no law that requires you to file a income tax return or to pay income tax for working in America.
Under USC Title 26, Section 7701 (a) (16), federal income tax are for foreign earnings only.
Declaration of exemption:
I, _____________________________________________________________
Check one: Resident U.S. citizen ________ Alien Resident________
Address_____________________________________ TEL:_________________________________
Employer:___________________________CompanyName:______________________________
Address_____________________________________ TEL:_________________________________
am exempt from Federal Withholding Income taxes, under, Title 26, Section 7701 (a) (16), given federal income taxes are for foreign earnings only.
Your signature _____________________________________________ Date ______________________
Title 26, Section 7701 (a) (16) The term ”withholding agent” means any person required to deduct and withhold any tax under the provisions of sections 1441, 1442, 1443. http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/26/1441.html
§ 1441. Withholding of tax on nonresident aliens U.S. Tax Code Foreign Tax only
§ 1442. Withholding of tax on foreign corporations
§ 1443. Foreign tax-exempt organizations
Compare the headings on these two forms.
Form 2555: U.S. Citizens Form 1040: U.S. Individual
http://www.irs.gov/pub/irs-pdf/f2555.pdf http://www.irs.gov/pub/irs-pdf/f2555.pdf
Senator Harry Reid: Our system of government is a voluntary tax system. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=H6q0slMhDw8
Joseph R. Banister, former special agent with the criminal investigations division of the Internal Revenue Service, states, “There is no law that requires you to file a income tax return or to pay income tax for working in America.” http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GKePl2gW_3M
Amendment 5 – Trial and Punishment, Compensation for Takings. Ratified 12/15/1791. No person shall be deprived of property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.
The Brookline Board of Selectmen’s passage of the Camera Sruveillance proposal, under pressure by the Federal Office of Homeland Security, has offended the U.S. Constitution, and the memory of Brookline. The State of New Hampshire’s introduction of a resolution to declare certain actions by the
federal government to be void stands up to for their constituents’ civil
rights. Would the Town of Brookline, MA’s Board of Selectmen have done the same on the Camera Surveillance issue.
http://www.gencourt.state.nh.us/legislation/2009/HCR0006.html
09-0274
09/01
HOUSE CONCURRENT RESOLUTION 6
A RESOLUTION affirming States’ rights based on Jeffersonian principles.
SPONSORS: Rep. Itse, Rock 9; Rep. Ingbretson, Graf 5; Rep. Comerford, Rock 9; Sen. Denley, Dist 3
COMMITTEE: State-Federal Relations and Veterans Affairs
This house concurrent resolution affirms States’ rights based on Jeffersonian principles.
09-0274
09/01
STATE OF NEW HAMPSHIRE
In the Year of Our Lord Two Thousand Nine
A RESOLUTION affirming States’ rights based on Jeffersonian principles.
Whereas the Constitution of the State of New Hampshire, Part 1, Article 7 declares that the people of this State have the sole and exclusive right of governing themselves as a free, sovereign, and independent State; and do, and forever hereafter shall, exercise and enjoy every power, jurisdiction, and right, pertaining thereto, which is not, or may not hereafter be, by them expressly delegated to the United States of America in congress assembled; and
Whereas the Constitution of the State of New Hampshire, Part 2, Article 1 declares that the people inhabiting the territory formerly called the province of New Hampshire, do hereby solemnly and mutually agree with each other, to form themselves into a free, sovereign and independent body-politic, or State, by the name of The State of New Hampshire; and
Whereas the State of New Hampshire when ratifying the Constitution for the United States of America recommended as a change, “First That it be Explicitly declared that all Powers not expressly & particularly Delegated by the aforesaid are reserved to the several States to be, by them Exercised;” and
Whereas the other States that included recommendations, to wit Massachusetts, New York, North Carolina, Rhode Island and Virginia, included an identical or similar recommended change; and
Whereas these recommended changes were incorporated as the ninth amendment, the enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people, and the tenth amendment, the powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people, to the Constitution for the United States of America; now, therefore, be it
Resolved by the House of Representatives, the Senate concurring:
That the several States composing the United States of America, are not united on the principle of unlimited submission to their General Government; but that, by a compact under the style and title of a Constitution for the United States, and of amendments thereto, they constituted a General Government for special purposes, — delegated to that government certain definite powers, reserving, each State to itself, the residuary mass of right to their own self-government; and that whensoever the General Government assumes undelegated powers, its acts are unauthoritative, void, and of no force; that to this compact each State acceded as a State, and is an integral party, its co-States forming, as to itself, the other party: that the government created by this compact was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself; since that would have made its discretion, and not the Constitution, the measure of its powers; but that, as in all other cases of compact among powers having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions as of the mode and measure of redress; and
That the Constitution of the United States, having delegated to Congress a power to punish treason, counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States, piracies, and felonies committed on the high seas, and offences against the law of nations, slavery, and no other crimes whatsoever; and it being true as a general principle, and one of the amendments to the Constitution having also declared, that “the powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people,” therefore all acts of Congress which assume to create, define, or punish crimes, other than those so enumerated in the Constitution are altogether void, and of no force; and that the power to create, define, and punish such other crimes is reserved, and, of right, appertains solely and exclusively to the respective States, each within its own territory; and
That it is true as a general principle, and is also expressly declared by one of the amendments to the Constitution, that “the powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people;” and that no power over the freedom of religion, freedom of speech, or freedom of the press being delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, all lawful powers respecting the same did of right remain, and were reserved to the States or the people: that thus was manifested their determination to retain to themselves the right of judging how far the licentiousness of speech and of the press may be abridged without lessening their useful freedom, and how far those abuses which cannot be separated from their use should be tolerated, rather than the use be destroyed. And thus also they guarded against all abridgment by the United States of the freedom of religious opinions and exercises, and retained to themselves the right of protecting the same. And that in addition to this general principle and express declaration, another and more special provision has been made by one of the amendments to the Constitution, which expressly declares, that “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, or abridging the freedom of speech or of the press:” thereby guarding in the same sentence, and under the same words, the freedom of religion, of speech, and of the press: insomuch, that whatever violated either, throws down the sanctuary which covers the others, and that libels, falsehood, and defamation, equally with heresy and false religion, are withheld from the cognizance of federal tribunals. That, therefore, all acts of Congress of the United States which do abridge the freedom of religion, freedom of speech, freedom of the press, are not law, but are altogether void, and of no force; and
That the construction applied by the General Government (as is evidenced by sundry of their proceedings) to those parts of the Constitution of the United States which delegate to Congress a power “to lay and collect taxes, duties, imports, and excises, to pay the debts, and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States,” and “to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the powers vested by the Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof,” goes to the destruction of all limits prescribed to their power by the Constitution: that words meant by the instrument to be subsidiary only to the execution of limited powers, ought not to be so construed as themselves to give unlimited powers, nor a part to be so taken as to destroy the whole residue of that instrument: that the proceedings of the General Government under color of these articles, will be a fit and necessary subject of revisal and correction; and
That a committee of conference and correspondence be appointed, which shall have as its charge to communicate the preceding resolutions to the Legislatures of the several States; to assure them that this State continues in the same esteem of their friendship and union which it has manifested from that moment at which a common danger first suggested a common union: that it considers union, for specified national purposes, and particularly to those specified in their federal compact, to be friendly to the peace, happiness and prosperity of all the States: that faithful to that compact, according to the plain intent and meaning in which it was understood and acceded to by the several parties, it is sincerely anxious for its preservation: that it does also believe, that to take from the States all the powers of self-government and transfer them to a general and consolidated government, without regard to the special delegations and reservations solemnly agreed to in that compact, is not for the peace, happiness or prosperity of these States; and that therefore this State is determined, as it doubts not its co-States are, to submit to undelegated, and consequently unlimited powers in no man, or body of men on earth: that in cases of an abuse of the delegated powers, the members of the General Government, being chosen by the people, a change by the people would be the constitutional remedy; but, where powers are assumed which have not been delegated, a nullification of the act is the rightful remedy: that every State has a natural right in cases not within the compact, (casus non foederis), to nullify of their own authority all assumptions of power by others within their limits: that without this right, they would be under the dominion, absolute and unlimited, of whosoever might exercise this right of judgment for them: that nevertheless, this State, from motives of regard and respect for its co-States, has wished to communicate with them on the subject: that with them alone it is proper to communicate, they alone being parties to the compact, and solely authorized to judge in the last resort of the powers exercised under it, Congress being not a party, but merely the creature of the compact, and subject as to its assumptions of power to the final judgment of those by whom, and for whose use itself and its powers were all created and modified: that if the acts before specified should stand, these conclusions would flow from them: that it would be a dangerous delusion were a confidence in the men of our choice to silence our fears for the safety of our rights: that confidence is everywhere the parent of despotism — free government is founded in jealousy, and not in confidence; it is jealousy and not confidence which prescribes limited constitutions, to bind down those whom we are obliged to trust with power: that our Constitution has accordingly fixed the limits to which, and no further, our confidence may go. In questions of power, then, let no more be heard of confidence in man, but bind him down from mischief by the chains of the Constitution. That this State does therefore call on its co-States for an expression of their sentiments on acts not authorized by the federal compact. And it doubts not that their sense will be so announced as to prove their attachment unaltered to limited government, whether general or particular. And that the rights and liberties of their co-States will be exposed to no dangers by remaining embarked in a common bottom with their own. That they will concur with this State in considering acts as so palpably against the Constitution as to amount to an undisguised declaration that that compact is not meant to be the measure of the powers of the General Government, but that it will proceed in the exercise over these States, of all powers whatsoever: that they will view this as seizing the rights of the States, and consolidating them in the hands of the General Government, with a power assumed to bind the States, not merely as the cases made federal, (casus foederis,) but in all cases whatsoever, by laws made, not with their consent, but by others against their consent: that this would be to surrender the form of government we have chosen, and live under one deriving its powers from its own will, and not from our authority; and that the co-States, recurring to their natural right in cases not made federal, will concur in declaring these acts void, and of no force, and will each take measures of its own for providing that neither these acts, nor any others of the General Government not plainly and intentionally authorized by the Constitution, shall be exercised within their respective territories; and
That the said committee be authorized to communicate by writing or personal conferences, at any times or places whatever, with any person or person who may be appointed by any one or more co-States to correspond or confer with them; and that they lay their proceedings before the next session of the General Court; and
That any Act by the Congress of the United States, Executive Order of the President of the United States of America or Judicial Order by the Judicatories of the United States of America which assumes a power not delegated to the government of United States of America by the Constitution for the United States of America and which serves to diminish the liberty of the any of the several States or their citizens shall constitute a nullification of the Constitution for the United States of America by the government of the United States of America. Acts which would cause such a nullification include, but are not limited to:
I. Establishing martial law or a state of emergency within one of the States comprising the United States of America without the consent of the legislature of that State.
II. Requiring involuntary servitude, or governmental service other than a draft during a declared war, or pursuant to, or as an alternative to, incarceration after due process of law.
III. Requiring involuntary servitude or governmental service of persons under the age of 18 other than pursuant to, or as an alternative to, incarceration after due process of law.
IV. Surrendering any power delegated or not delegated to any corporation or foreign government.
V. Any act regarding religion; further limitations on freedom of political speech; or further limitations on freedom of the press.
VI. Further infringements on the right to keep and bear arms including prohibitions of type or quantity of arms or ammunition; and
That should any such act of Congress become law or Executive Order or Judicial Order be put into force, all powers previously delegated to the United States of America by the Constitution for the United States shall revert to the several States individually. Any future government of the United States of America shall require ratification of three quarters of the States seeking to form a government of the United States of America and shall not be binding upon any State not seeking to form such a government; and
That copies of this resolution be transmitted by the house clerk to the President of the United States, each member of the United States Congress, and the presiding officers of each State’s legislature.
By Christopher Booker
Last Updated: 7:40AM GMT 29 Dec 2008
Easily one of the most important stories of 2008 has been all the evidence suggesting that this may be looked back on as the year when there was a turning point in the great worldwide panic over man-made global warming. Just when politicians in Europe and America have been adopting the most costly and damaging measures politicians have ever proposed, to combat this supposed menace, the tide has turned in three significant respects.
First, all over the world, temperatures have been dropping in a way wholly unpredicted by all those computer models which have been used as the main drivers of the scare. Last winter, as temperatures plummeted, many parts of the world had snowfalls on a scale not seen for decades. This winter, with the whole of Canada and half the US under snow, looks likely to be even worse. After several years flatlining, global temperatures have dropped sharply enough to cancel out much of their net rise in the 20th century.
Ever shriller and more frantic has become the insistence of the warmists, cheered on by their army of media groupies such as the BBC, that the last 10 years have been the “hottest in history” and that the North Pole would soon be ice-free – as the poles remain defiantly icebound and those polar bears fail to drown. All those hysterical predictions that we are seeing more droughts and hurricanes than ever before have infuriatingly failed to materialise.
Even the more cautious scientific acolytes of the official orthodoxy now admit that, thanks to “natural factors” such as ocean currents, temperatures have failed to rise as predicted (although they plaintively assure us that this cooling effect is merely “masking the underlying warming trend”, and that the temperature rise will resume worse than ever by the middle of the next decade).
Secondly, 2008 was the year when any pretence that there was a “scientific consensus” in favour of man-made global warming collapsed. At long last, as in the Manhattan Declaration last March, hundreds of proper scientists, including many of the world’s most eminent climate experts, have been rallying to pour scorn on that “consensus” which was only a politically engineered artefact, based on ever more blatantly manipulated data and computer models programmed to produce no more than convenient fictions.
Thirdly, as banks collapsed and the global economy plunged into its worst recession for decades, harsh reality at last began to break in on those self-deluding dreams which have for so long possessed almost every politician in the western world. As we saw in this month’s Poznan conference, when 10,000 politicians, officials and “environmentalists” gathered to plan next year’s “son of Kyoto” treaty in Copenhagen, panicking politicians are waking up to the fact that the world can no longer afford all those quixotic schemes for “combating climate change” with which they were so happy to indulge themselves in more comfortable times.
Suddenly it has become rather less appealing that we should divert trillions of dollars, pounds and euros into the fantasy that we could reduce emissions of carbon dioxide by 80 per cent. All those grandiose projects for “emissions trading”, “carbon capture”, building tens of thousands more useless wind turbines, switching vast areas of farmland from producing food to “biofuels”, are being exposed as no more than enormously damaging and futile gestures, costing astronomic sums we no longer possess.
As 2009 dawns, it is time we in Britain faced up to the genuine crisis now fast approaching from the fact that – unless we get on very soon with building enough proper power stations to fill our looming “energy gap” – within a few years our lights will go out and what remains of our economy will judder to a halt. After years of infantile displacement activity, it is high time our politicians – along with those of the EU and President Obama’s US – were brought back with a mighty jolt into contact with the real world.
I must end this year by again paying tribute to my readers for the wonderful generosity with which they came to the aid of two causes. First their donations made it possible for the latest “metric martyr”, the east London market trader Janet Devers, to fight Hackney council’s vindictive decision to prosecute her on 13 criminal charges, ranging from selling in pounds and ounces to selling produce “by the bowl” (to avoid using weights her customers dislike and don’t understand). The embarrassment caused by this historic battle has thrown the forced metrication policy of both our governments, in London and Brussels, into total disarray.
Since Hackney backed out of allowing four criminal charges against Janet to go before a jury next month, all that remains is for her to win her appeal in February against eight convictions which now look quite absurd (including those for selling veg by the bowl, as thousands of other London market traders do every day). The final goal, as Neil Herron of the Metric Martyrs Defence Fund insists, must then be a pardon for the late Steve Thoburn and the four other original “martyrs” who were found guilty in 2002 – after a legal battle also made possible by this column’s readers – of breaking laws so ridiculous that the EU Commission has even denied they existed (but which are still on the statute book).
Readers were equally generous this year in rushing to the aid of Sue Smith, whose son was killed in a Snatch Land Rover in Iraq in 2005. Their contributions made it possible for her to carry on with the High Court action she has brought against the Ministry of Defence, with the sole aim of calling it to account for needlessly risking soldiers’ lives by sending them into battle in hopelessly inappropriate vehicles. Thanks not least to Mrs Smith’s determined fight, the Snatch Land Rover scandal, first reported here in 2006, has at last become a national cause celebre.
May I finally thank all those readers who have written to me in 2008 – so many that, as usual, it has not been possible to answer all their messages. But their support and information has been hugely appreciated. May I wish them and all of you a happy (if globally not too warm) New Year.
Susan Allen for Congress in the Fourth District, MA in 2010
The Brookline Board of Selectmen’s passage of the Camera Sruveillance proposal, under pressure by the Federal Office of Homeland Security, has offended the U.S. Constitution, and the memory of Brookline. The State of New Hampshire’s introduction of a resolution to declare certain actions by the
federal government to be void stands up to for their constituents’ civil
rights. Would the Town of Brookline, MA’s Board of Selectmen have done the same on the Camera Surveillance issue.
http://www.gencourt.state.nh.us/legislation/2009/HCR0006.html
09-0274
09/01
HOUSE CONCURRENT RESOLUTION 6
A RESOLUTION affirming States’ rights based on Jeffersonian principles.
SPONSORS: Rep. Itse, Rock 9; Rep. Ingbretson, Graf 5; Rep. Comerford, Rock 9; Sen. Denley, Dist 3
COMMITTEE: State-Federal Relations and Veterans Affairs
This house concurrent resolution affirms States’ rights based on Jeffersonian principles.
09-0274
09/01
STATE OF NEW HAMPSHIRE
In the Year of Our Lord Two Thousand Nine
A RESOLUTION affirming States’ rights based on Jeffersonian principles.
Whereas the Constitution of the State of New Hampshire, Part 1, Article 7 declares that the people of this State have the sole and exclusive right of governing themselves as a free, sovereign, and independent State; and do, and forever hereafter shall, exercise and enjoy every power, jurisdiction, and right, pertaining thereto, which is not, or may not hereafter be, by them expressly delegated to the United States of America in congress assembled; and
Whereas the Constitution of the State of New Hampshire, Part 2, Article 1 declares that the people inhabiting the territory formerly called the province of New Hampshire, do hereby solemnly and mutually agree with each other, to form themselves into a free, sovereign and independent body-politic, or State, by the name of The State of New Hampshire; and
Whereas the State of New Hampshire when ratifying the Constitution for the United States of America recommended as a change, “First That it be Explicitly declared that all Powers not expressly & particularly Delegated by the aforesaid are reserved to the several States to be, by them Exercised;” and
Whereas the other States that included recommendations, to wit Massachusetts, New York, North Carolina, Rhode Island and Virginia, included an identical or similar recommended change; and
Whereas these recommended changes were incorporated as the ninth amendment, the enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people, and the tenth amendment, the powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people, to the Constitution for the United States of America; now, therefore, be it
Resolved by the House of Representatives, the Senate concurring:
That the several States composing the United States of America, are not united on the principle of unlimited submission to their General Government; but that, by a compact under the style and title of a Constitution for the United States, and of amendments thereto, they constituted a General Government for special purposes, — delegated to that government certain definite powers, reserving, each State to itself, the residuary mass of right to their own self-government; and that whensoever the General Government assumes undelegated powers, its acts are unauthoritative, void, and of no force; that to this compact each State acceded as a State, and is an integral party, its co-States forming, as to itself, the other party: that the government created by this compact was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself; since that would have made its discretion, and not the Constitution, the measure of its powers; but that, as in all other cases of compact among powers having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions as of the mode and measure of redress; and
That the Constitution of the United States, having delegated to Congress a power to punish treason, counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States, piracies, and felonies committed on the high seas, and offences against the law of nations, slavery, and no other crimes whatsoever; and it being true as a general principle, and one of the amendments to the Constitution having also declared, that “the powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people,” therefore all acts of Congress which assume to create, define, or punish crimes, other than those so enumerated in the Constitution are altogether void, and of no force; and that the power to create, define, and punish such other crimes is reserved, and, of right, appertains solely and exclusively to the respective States, each within its own territory; and
That it is true as a general principle, and is also expressly declared by one of the amendments to the Constitution, that “the powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people;” and that no power over the freedom of religion, freedom of speech, or freedom of the press being delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, all lawful powers respecting the same did of right remain, and were reserved to the States or the people: that thus was manifested their determination to retain to themselves the right of judging how far the licentiousness of speech and of the press may be abridged without lessening their useful freedom, and how far those abuses which cannot be separated from their use should be tolerated, rather than the use be destroyed. And thus also they guarded against all abridgment by the United States of the freedom of religious opinions and exercises, and retained to themselves the right of protecting the same. And that in addition to this general principle and express declaration, another and more special provision has been made by one of the amendments to the Constitution, which expressly declares, that “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, or abridging the freedom of speech or of the press:” thereby guarding in the same sentence, and under the same words, the freedom of religion, of speech, and of the press: insomuch, that whatever violated either, throws down the sanctuary which covers the others, and that libels, falsehood, and defamation, equally with heresy and false religion, are withheld from the cognizance of federal tribunals. That, therefore, all acts of Congress of the United States which do abridge the freedom of religion, freedom of speech, freedom of the press, are not law, but are altogether void, and of no force; and
That the construction applied by the General Government (as is evidenced by sundry of their proceedings) to those parts of the Constitution of the United States which delegate to Congress a power “to lay and collect taxes, duties, imports, and excises, to pay the debts, and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States,” and “to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the powers vested by the Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof,” goes to the destruction of all limits prescribed to their power by the Constitution: that words meant by the instrument to be subsidiary only to the execution of limited powers, ought not to be so construed as themselves to give unlimited powers, nor a part to be so taken as to destroy the whole residue of that instrument: that the proceedings of the General Government under color of these articles, will be a fit and necessary subject of revisal and correction; and
That a committee of conference and correspondence be appointed, which shall have as its charge to communicate the preceding resolutions to the Legislatures of the several States; to assure them that this State continues in the same esteem of their friendship and union which it has manifested from that moment at which a common danger first suggested a common union: that it considers union, for specified national purposes, and particularly to those specified in their federal compact, to be friendly to the peace, happiness and prosperity of all the States: that faithful to that compact, according to the plain intent and meaning in which it was understood and acceded to by the several parties, it is sincerely anxious for its preservation: that it does also believe, that to take from the States all the powers of self-government and transfer them to a general and consolidated government, without regard to the special delegations and reservations solemnly agreed to in that compact, is not for the peace, happiness or prosperity of these States; and that therefore this State is determined, as it doubts not its co-States are, to submit to undelegated, and consequently unlimited powers in no man, or body of men on earth: that in cases of an abuse of the delegated powers, the members of the General Government, being chosen by the people, a change by the people would be the constitutional remedy; but, where powers are assumed which have not been delegated, a nullification of the act is the rightful remedy: that every State has a natural right in cases not within the compact, (casus non foederis), to nullify of their own authority all assumptions of power by others within their limits: that without this right, they would be under the dominion, absolute and unlimited, of whosoever might exercise this right of judgment for them: that nevertheless, this State, from motives of regard and respect for its co-States, has wished to communicate with them on the subject: that with them alone it is proper to communicate, they alone being parties to the compact, and solely authorized to judge in the last resort of the powers exercised under it, Congress being not a party, but merely the creature of the compact, and subject as to its assumptions of power to the final judgment of those by whom, and for whose use itself and its powers were all created and modified: that if the acts before specified should stand, these conclusions would flow from them: that it would be a dangerous delusion were a confidence in the men of our choice to silence our fears for the safety of our rights: that confidence is everywhere the parent of despotism — free government is founded in jealousy, and not in confidence; it is jealousy and not confidence which prescribes limited constitutions, to bind down those whom we are obliged to trust with power: that our Constitution has accordingly fixed the limits to which, and no further, our confidence may go. In questions of power, then, let no more be heard of confidence in man, but bind him down from mischief by the chains of the Constitution. That this State does therefore call on its co-States for an expression of their sentiments on acts not authorized by the federal compact. And it doubts not that their sense will be so announced as to prove their attachment unaltered to limited government, whether general or particular. And that the rights and liberties of their co-States will be exposed to no dangers by remaining embarked in a common bottom with their own. That they will concur with this State in considering acts as so palpably against the Constitution as to amount to an undisguised declaration that that compact is not meant to be the measure of the powers of the General Government, but that it will proceed in the exercise over these States, of all powers whatsoever: that they will view this as seizing the rights of the States, and consolidating them in the hands of the General Government, with a power assumed to bind the States, not merely as the cases made federal, (casus foederis,) but in all cases whatsoever, by laws made, not with their consent, but by others against their consent: that this would be to surrender the form of government we have chosen, and live under one deriving its powers from its own will, and not from our authority; and that the co-States, recurring to their natural right in cases not made federal, will concur in declaring these acts void, and of no force, and will each take measures of its own for providing that neither these acts, nor any others of the General Government not plainly and intentionally authorized by the Constitution, shall be exercised within their respective territories; and
That the said committee be authorized to communicate by writing or personal conferences, at any times or places whatever, with any person or person who may be appointed by any one or more co-States to correspond or confer with them; and that they lay their proceedings before the next session of the General Court; and
That any Act by the Congress of the United States, Executive Order of the President of the United States of America or Judicial Order by the Judicatories of the United States of America which assumes a power not delegated to the government of United States of America by the Constitution for the United States of America and which serves to diminish the liberty of the any of the several States or their citizens shall constitute a nullification of the Constitution for the United States of America by the government of the United States of America. Acts which would cause such a nullification include, but are not limited to:
I. Establishing martial law or a state of emergency within one of the States comprising the United States of America without the consent of the legislature of that State.
II. Requiring involuntary servitude, or governmental service other than a draft during a declared war, or pursuant to, or as an alternative to, incarceration after due process of law.
III. Requiring involuntary servitude or governmental service of persons under the age of 18 other than pursuant to, or as an alternative to, incarceration after due process of law.
IV. Surrendering any power delegated or not delegated to any corporation or foreign government.
V. Any act regarding religion; further limitations on freedom of political speech; or further limitations on freedom of the press.
VI. Further infringements on the right to keep and bear arms including prohibitions of type or quantity of arms or ammunition; and
That should any such act of Congress become law or Executive Order or Judicial Order be put into force, all powers previously delegated to the United States of America by the Constitution for the United States shall revert to the several States individually. Any future government of the United States of America shall require ratification of three quarters of the States seeking to form a government of the United States of America and shall not be binding upon any State not seeking to form such a government; and
That copies of this resolution be transmitted by the house clerk to the President of the United States, each member of the United States Congress, and the presiding officers of each State’s legislature.
Mr. Chris Alberto, Asst. U.S. Attorney
U.S. Attorney’s Office Moakley Federal Courthouse
1 Courthouse Way Boston, MA 02210
Phone: 617-748-3322
Email: Chris.Alberto@usdoj.gov
Susan F. Allen, M.Ed.
122 Westbourne Terr.
Brookline, MA 02446
Tel: 617-566-3298
Email: sfallen@rcn.com
November 12, 2008
Dear Mr. Alberto, Asst. U.S. Attorney:
I record today, on November 12, 2008, 2:38 PM, your stated refusal, in the presence of witnesses, to act on the requests of forty-nine U.S. citizen petitioners to arrest Rep. Barney Frank on charges of High Treason for unlawfully requiring U.S. citizens to pay down a foreign debt they didn’t incur, as evidenced by the 700 Billion Dollar Bailout, H.R. 1424, Section 112:
PETITION
ARREST BARNEY FRANK: NO TAXATION WITHOUT REPRESENTATION!
We the People of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts request prosecutors from Moakley Federal Court, City of Boston, to indict and arrest Chair. House Financial Services Committee, Rep. Barney Frank on charges of High Treason under Article III, Section 3 of the U.S. Constitution for aiding abetting foreign enemies, and giving them comfort, while allowing these foreign enemies to injure U.S. citizens by depriving them of their property without fair compensation. Rep. Frank’s co-sponsorship of H.R. 1424 has breached US statutes and securities regulations and has subjected U.S. citizens to Fraud by Inducement, Fraud by Obfuscation, and Denial, and Fraud by Deception, Theft by Fraudulent Conveyance and Fraudulent Concealment. to increase foreign financial receipts, by way of theft deception, the U.S. taxpayers. The Revolutionary War was fought to gain U.S. independence. Rep. Frank’s co-sponsorship of H.R. 1424 / Public Law No: 110-343: Emergency Economic Stabilization Act of 2008, SEC. 112. COORDINATION WITH FOREIGN AUTHORITIES AND CENTRAL BANKS unlawfully taxes U.S. citizens without representation by requiring them under the color of law to purchase the bad debt of foreign investment firms, in direct violation of Amendment 5, which prohibits depriving U.S. citizens’ property without fair compensation.
Evidence: H.R. 1424 / Public Law No: 110-343: Emergency Economic Stabilization Act of 2008, SEC. 112. COORDINATION WITH FOREIGN AUTHORITIES AND CENTRAL BANKS: The Secretary shall coordinate, as appropriate, with foreign financial authorities and central banks to work toward the establishment of similar programs by such authorities and central banks. To the extent that such foreign financial authorities or banks hold troubled assets as a result of extending financing to financial institutions that have failed or defaulted on such financing, such troubled assets
qualify for purchase under section 101.
You have a mandatory duty to act as required by Article III, Section 3, which states, Treason against the United States shall consist in adhering to their enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort. No person shall be convicted on Treason unless on the Testimony of two witnesses to the same overt Act, or Confession in open court.
According to Federal law, a citizen injured by conditions that a Federal attorney ought to have detected would be entitled to seek recovery against you, personally in a civil court of law. Given your refusal to fulfill your duties as supported by taxpayers’ funds, I will proceed in this direction.
Sincerely,
Susan F. Allen, M.Ed.
INDICT OBAMA AND McCAIN
Both Obama and McCain are criminals
with no right to run for President of the United States.
U.S. citizens have a written Constitution so that they might know their rights and secure justice in courts.
Obama and McCain took a sworn oath to uphold this Constitution.
Despite this, both Obama and McCain voted favorable action on bill, S. 6304
to grant the Telecoms retroactive immunity for spying on U.S. citizens
and to authorize President Bush’s agents to conduct physical searches on U.S. citizens without a warrant,
in violation of the Fourth Amendment.
In voting for bill S. 6304, both Obama and McCain also violated
Article 1, Section 9, Clause 3 of the U.S. Constitution, which states:
No ex post facto (*retroactive) Law shall be passed.
The point of government is to protect the Constitutional rights of its citizens.
Obama and McCain have not done this, indicating either they don’t know
the laws of the Constitution very well, or they well know the laws, but violated
them anyway.
Regardless of their reason for breaking the law, violation of law is a crime.
Given both Obama and McCain have violated Amendment 4, and
Article 1, Section 9, Clause 3, which again means they are both criminals with no right to run
for President of the United States.
Only law-abiding Candidates have the legal right to run for President of the U.S. in 2008.
i.e., Cynthia McKinney of the Green Party, of Ron Paul of the Republican Party, or Bob Barr of the Libertarian Party
Obama and McCain should be indicted along with the rest of the members of Congress
who voted for S. 6304.
Federal Income Tax for Non resident aliens only
May 2, 2008
Dear Congressman Frank,
Your sworn oath requires you end the unlawful taxation of U.S. citizens.
In accordance with U.S. Code, Title 26, Section 7701 (a) (16) taxes are for foreign earnings only.
Title 26, Section 7701 (a) (16) The term ”withholding agent” means any person required to deduct and withhold any tax under the provisions of sections 1441, 1442, 1443.
§ 1441. Withholding of tax on nonresident aliens U.S. Tax Code Foreign Tax only
§ 1442. Withholding of tax on foreign corporations
§ 1443. Foreign tax-exempt organizations
U.S. Citizens are Income Tax Exempt
The Internal Revenue Manual, Part 20. Chapter 1. Section 3, states U.S. citizens or residents who lived in the United States throughout the preceding 12-month tax year are tax exempt.
http://www.irs.gov/irm/part20/ch01s04.html 20.1.3.2.1 (09-12-2006) Determining the Required Annual Payment Under, 6654 (e) (2), the Internal Revenue Manual, Part 20. Penalty and Interest Chapter 1. Penalty Handbook Section 3. Estimated Tax Penalties
Form 1040 for: Individual (Non-Resident Aliens)
Form 2555 for: U.S. Citizens and Resident Employers of Non-Resident Aliens
Under, Title 26, Section 7701 (a) (16)
Check current IRS tax code hrere:
click here size=”3″> IRS Form 1040 says, “U.5. Individual Income Tax Return.”
http://www.irs.gov/pub/irs-pdf/f1040.pdf
*Employers, do not withhold taxes on U.S. citizens and residents who have lived in the U.S. during the proceeding 12-month year.
Sincerely,
Susan F. Allen, M.Ed.
June 1, 2008
Dear Representative Frank, Chair. House Financial Services Committee:
.
In accordance with your sworn oath, I am again writing to request that you:
.
· Restore the United States Treasury system as a public U.S.
Government office and
.
· Dissolve the “The Federal Reserve Board,” a privately held
International corporation
.
Article 1, Section 8, Clause 5 requires members of Congress, to coin Money,
regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coin, and fix the Standard of
Weights and Measures;
.
Article 1, Section 8, Clause 6 requires members of Congress, to provide for
the Punishment of counterfeiting the Securities and current Coin of the
United States;
.
However, the Federal Reserve Act, §2, 3, currently requires U.S. member
banks to borrow fed paper, but pay back interest in gold. This violates
Amendment 5, which prohibits the unlawful public taking of property without
just compensation.
.
Our Founders fought the Revolutionary war to free us from foreign abuse.
For Congress to have allowed the reinstatement of that abuse under the color
of law, depriving this nation of its gold reserves in Fort Knox, and
weakening it’s financial standing in the rest of the world is
unconscionable.
.
Again, the Treasury’s Summary of Regulatory Proposal, published March 29,
2008, which proposes ”a new “global” investment company” to take over
Congress’ regulatory power of tax dollars is unlawful.
.
Article 1, Section 8 does not grant Congress the authority to hand over
control of this country’s financial resources to a foreign power. U.S.
citizens should not have had to pay tax dollars to enrich foreign coffers.
That members of Congress have allowed such depravity is appalling.
.
The Federal Reserve Act violates numerous constitutional laws. In
accordance with Article 5, and the Supremacy clause from Article 6, the
Constitution is the Supreme law of the land, valid to all intents and
purposes, any thing in the law to the contrary is not with standing.
Therefore, We the People declare the Federal Reserve Act null and void and
demand that our lawful U.S. Treasury System be put back in the public
domain.
.
Passage of the Federal Reserve Act was an act of terrorism causing people to
lose their livelihoods, homes, and ability to feed their families. This
abuse continues today. In 1913, the United States lost the Revolutionary
War. It’s time we took our country back from the grip of oppression.
.
Due to your failure to address this matter sufficiently, I will be
proceeding with a complaint against you with the District of Columbia,
Metropolitan Police Department on charges of Grand Theft Larceny, Breach of
the Peace and High Treason. Either the designated officers do their jobs,
or I will file charges against them. We have exercised all other options.
Now it is the time to take this needed step. Expectedly, others will join
in. We have the legal right to be protected from official abuse.
.
The desire for freedom burns in this nation’s soul. That fire is stronger
than any weaponry, surveillance system or oppressive regime. When the
world learns that U.S. citizens are demanding the arrest of their elected
criminals, watch as honest souls everywhere rise up and demand the same
thing. I close with the words of New Hampshire’s motto, “Live free or
die.”
Sincerely,
Susan Allen, M.Ed.
Take action — click here to contact your local newspaper or representatives in Congress:
Alert Congress: End Banking Fraud Within the Federal Reserve Board
December 22, 2007
Dear Senator Creem,
A Boston Police Force’s supervisor has recently stated his intent to collaborate with out-of-state “Guardian Angels,” and allow them to participate in making arrests.
However, allowing an out-of-state organization to provide official law enforcement services is illegal.
Article 1, Section 8 states:
Congress shall provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the Militia, and for governing such Part of them as may be employed in the Service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the Appointment of the Officers, and the Authority of training the Militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress;
This means that States must hire officers and train the militia. There is no enumeration in the U.S. Constitution that provides funding or authorization for a civilian police force to collaborate with a non-official, out-of-state group such as the Guardian Angels.
This means that official collaboration with the Guardian Angels, a group which has just recently appeared on the scene in the Commonwealth expressing their intention to “aid” the local police in Boston isn’t legal.
Guardian Angels are not a publicly supported organization. These individuals are not local, are not accountable to local laws, and therefore, are not accountable to local residents. In essence, their presence in the Commonwealth constitutes the presence of non-local police forces. Mainstream media has reported on their presence as well-meaning; however, in the absence of an emergency, only local police have the legal right to police local areas. No official cooperation between local police and out-of-state forces should have been sanctioned by the governor’s office.
In consideration of the above, I request that you write Governor Patrick to request information as to what law gives local police the right to allow non-local “forces” the right to aid in local Boston arrests (as was mentioned by the April 3, 2007 Boston Globe)? I ask that immediate action be taken to establish the official position that only local police may provide police services in local areas and that Guardian Angels receive no official recognition by local police or the governor’s office and their presence here be discouraged by elected officials. It is against the interests of a secure Commonwealth to encourage acceptance of non-local police services.
Sincerely,
Susan F. Allen, M.Ed.